Ag Policy Blog
The Battle Over Glyphosate Inside Trump's White House
WASHINGTON (DTN) -- A battle over glyphosate and agricultural lobbying has spilled into public view following a shake-up at the White House.
Susie Wiles resigned as White House chief of staff Thursday and was replaced by longtime deputy Stephen Miller, who has served President Donald Trump since 2016. Her departure came hours before former White House and Health and Human Services adviser Calley Means, who resigned Oct. 22, appeared in a two-hour interview on Joe Rogan's podcast.
Means alleged that pesticide industry interests helped dilute glyphosate provisions in the Make America Healthy Again Commission report, pressured the administration to support Bayer in a Supreme Court case and used Wiles' influence to shield Trump from decisions that conflicted with MAHA priorities.
Glyphosate is the active ingredient in the highly litigated ag herbicide Roundup.
"Susie said to me many times: 'We need money for the midterms, Calley. We need money for the midterms,'" Means said, referring to campaign funding he alleged came from industries Trump's advisers aligned with.
Any change in the administration's position on glyphosate could have consequences for farmers who depend on it for weed control, including on production costs and crop management.
In February 2025, the MAHA Commission sought to investigate glyphosate use and its protections. One year later, the White House reversed course and designated the chemical as a national security priority. In the months that followed, the administration shifted its messaging toward regenerative agriculture research and away from an attack on glyphosate.
Glyphosate remains deeply embedded in U.S. crop production. It was applied to 79% of corn acres in 2021 and 58% of soybean acres in 2023, making it the most widely used herbicide in America, according to U.S. Department of Agriculture data.
Miller's transition into the position drew support from cabinet members who favor changes to the nation's food system, including tighter restrictions on agrochemicals and ultra-processed foods.
"Next to me, Stephen Miller is the strongest MAHA supporter in the administration. It's time to unleash the Kraken," Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. said on X.
At a press conference Tuesday, Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins said, "The great news with Stephen Miller...is that there won't be really any disruption to the important work that will move forward, and that includes making America healthy again and putting ranchers and farmers back at the middle of policymaking in this country."
Rollins described the president's approach to governing as "bringing in and shifting around teams, leaders, new ideas." It's also the approach that has historically confused American agriculture about how decisions on farm policy have been made in the Oval Office, such as beef imports and trade policy.
"I think that having worked for four chiefs of staff in the first term, to have had her for two years in the second term was a real gift because I think that it allowed us to really move forward without much transition," Rollins said about Wiles.
WHITE HOUSE LOBBYING CLAIMS
Means accused two lobbying firms with ties to Wiles of benefiting from their White House connections.
Wiles' daughter, Katie, worked at Continental Strategy, whose reported lobbying revenue grew from $1.8 million in 2024 to $27.3 million in 2025, according to federal disclosures.
"If you're a special interest and you want to get something done, the secret's out," Means told Rogan. "You pay Susie's daughter and it was openly discussed when they had a client."
Continental Strategy called the allegations "inaccurate and baseless," saying it had never lobbied for glyphosate, Bayer, vapes or the herbal extract kratom.
Means also pointed to Ballard Partners, Wiles' former employer, which represented Bayer and reported $88.1 million in federal lobbying revenue in 2025. Ballard reported $90,000 in lobbying income from Bayer in the first quarter of 2026, according to federal disclosures.
Brian Ballard denied lobbying Wiles or other White House officials on glyphosate or flavored vapes.
"On glyphosate: No one at Ballard Partners lobbied or communicated with Susie Wiles or anyone in the West Wing, including her deputy chiefs of staff, regarding the administration's executive order on glyphosate," Ballard said in a statement last weekend.
MAHA REPORT DRAWS INDUSTRY PUSHBACK
The MAHA Commission's initial report in May 2025 raised concerns about potential health risks from agricultural herbicides, including glyphosate and atrazine. Means described an intense industry response.
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"The amount of almost violent reaction...from industry...calls to Susie...was the biggest policy battle I had seen up to that time. Just a word (glyphosate)," he said.
Agriculture groups had already begun organizing in anticipation of scrutiny. The Modern Ag Alliance, a communications campaign to protect crop protection tools formed in April 2024, was funded by Bayer and 60 other organizations, according to its website.
Means acknowledged the country's reliance on glyphosate despite concerns about potential links between chemicals, cancer and water quality. "We can't ban the stuff tomorrow," he said on the podcast.
NATIONAL DEFENSE, GLYPHOSATE ORDER
On Feb. 18, 2026, Trump invoked the Defense Production Act to protect domestic supplies of elemental phosphorus and glyphosate-based herbicides, citing their importance to national security and the food supply.
Agricultural industry groups defended the role of crop protection products in food production. CropLife America pointed to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's pesticide registration process and said the products help farmers control weeds, pests and diseases while supporting food supplies.
The decision to invoke the Defense Production Act sidelined MAHA officials, including Means and Kennedy, who had not been given an opportunity to weigh in before the announcement.
Means said that one day before the order's release, Walker Barrett, a member of Wiles' staff, presented him with the document. "He puts an executive order down on the desk, and he says, 'Please review.' And it was the glyphosate EO that says it's a national security issue." He was told the decision was final and was asked to inform Kennedy before the order was released the following day.
Means questioned the national security designation, saying, "Nobody in military leadership sees this as a national security issue."
He attributed the decision in part to Courtney Knupp, a former National Security Council staffer who is now CEO of the United Soybean Board.
"She with Susie drove the EO," he said. Knupp announced her departure from the National Security Council in June 2026. The United Soybean Board directed questions about her previous role to the White House.
Before the February announcement, Bayer had warned the White House it would take Roundup off the market without Supreme Court or MAHA protections, Politico reported in March.
Asked about its lobbying and efforts to maintain glyphosate's market access, Bayer told DTN, "All of our lobbying efforts are regularly disclosed."
Bayer has removed glyphosate-containing Roundup products intended for residential and other nonagricultural uses from U.S. shelves. Glyphosate products remain available for farmers' use in row-crop agriculture, while consumer lawn and garden Roundup products now contain a different active ingredient.
The company also spun off its glyphosate business into a new subsidiary this summer: Ruveon.
THE WHITE HOUSE AND THE SUPREME COURT
Around the same time as the national security EO, the Supreme Court was considering a case involving liability protections for glyphosate. Similar provisions were also making their way into the House version of the farm bill.
Means alleged that Heidi Overton, now a U.S. Food and Drug Administration nominee, helped "construct a legal argument about why the Supreme Court could take the case and why they should be supporting liability protection for the pesticide makers" while working at the U.S. Department of Justice. He also pointed to Sarah Harris in the Office of the Solicitor General.
The Trump administration unexpectedly submitted its position in the case, which the Supreme Court ultimately decided in favor of Bayer on June 25.
The 7-2 ruling in Monsanto Co. v. Durnell held that federal pesticide law preempts state failure-to-warn claims that would require Monsanto to add a cancer warning not required on the EPA-approved Roundup label.
Means said Trump was surprised by the outcome and appeared to disagree with the administration's position.
"We had a meeting with him and Bobby, and some other folks. And a farmer who was there, (a) regenerative farmer, brought it up, and President Trump reacted to the Supreme Court decision, saying it's a terrible idea. How the hell did this happen?" he said.
Means believed Trump was unaware of the Justice Department's legal argument supporting Bayer. "Seeing this work out, I had a strong suspicion that this was happening under his nose," Means said, referring to decisions made by Trump's staff.
The account raises questions about whether the administration's support for Bayer reflected Trump's own views on agriculture or the influence of advisers and outside interests.
The Supreme Court ruling came the same day Trump hosted farmers in the Rose Garden and announced a regenerative-agriculture and crop-protection research initiative.
The American Farm Bureau Federation was among the groups that reviewed the order before its release, a common denominator in White House executive orders, a source familiar with the process told DTN.
The order supports alternative-farming systems while limiting agencies to existing statutory authority, reassuring farm groups that support crop protection products opposed by MAHA advocates. Kennedy attended despite previously opposing glyphosate in private legal practice and securing multimillion-dollar verdicts against the industry.
CALLS FOR INVESTIGATIONS
Means' allegations surfaced as Republicans confronted losses in the midterm elections and Democrats prepared to take control of both chambers of Congress.
Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., described the allegations as "corruption" and raised questions about Wiles and industry access to the White House.
Attorney General Todd Blanche dismissed the possibility of a Justice Department investigation, defended Wiles and questioned the credibility of allegations made during the podcast interview.
Wiles has yet to respond. The White House told The Guardian it "has never allowed and will never allow outside groups to influence policy decisions."
Miller's appointment could shift the balance of influence within the White House on agricultural chemicals. Kennedy has called Miller one of the administration's strongest MAHA supporters, potentially giving advocates seeking tighter pesticide scrutiny a stronger voice in future policy decisions.
For Bayer, that could make its relationship with the White House less predictable as the administration weighs MAHA priorities against conventional agriculture, particularly as Trump's views can shift without staff acting as a buffer.
Also see: "Trump Directs USDA to Prioritize Domestic Glyphosate, Phosphorus Production"
"Trump Issues MAHA Executive Order on Regenerative Agriculture, Crop Chemicals,"
"Trump Names Stephen Miller as 33rd White House Chief of Staff,"
"Bayer Consolidates Its Glyphosate Business Into Subsidiary Ruveon,"
Watch: Joe Rogan Experience Podcast with Calley
DTN Environmental Editor Todd Neeley contributed to this report.
Jake Zajkowski can be reached at jake.zajkowski@dtn.com
Follow him on social platform X @jzajkow
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